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Source Documents Plutarch [ca46-120], Marcus Cato the Censor in The Lives of Noble Grecians and Romaines, trans. by Sir Thomas North (London, 1603; Online Eat Animal Rights History, 2003


THE LIFE OF
Marcus Cato the Censor.

MARCUS Cato and his ancestors, were (as they say) of the city of THUSCULUM: but before he went unto the warres, and dealt in matters of the common wealth, he dwelt and lived in the contrey of the SABYNES, upon certaine land his father left him. And though to many, his ancestors were knowen to have bene obscure: yet he himself did highly commend his father Marcus, by bearing his name, and saying he was a souldier, and had served valiantly in the field. And he telleth also of another Cato that was his great grandfather, who for his valiant service had bene oft rewarded of the generals, with such honorable gifts, as the ROMAINES did use to give unto them, that had done some famous act in any battell: and how that he having lost five horses of service in the warres, the value of the same was restored to him againe in mony of the common treasure, because he had shewed himselfe trusty and valiant for the common-wealth. [Cato called an upstart] And where they had a common speech at ROME to call them upstarts, that were no gentlemen borne, but did rise by vertue: it fortuned Cato to be called one of them. And for his part he did confesse it, that he was of the first of the house that [346] ever had honor, and office of state: but by reason of the noble acts and good service of his ancestors, he maintained he was very ancient. [The definition of this word Cato:] He was called at the beginning after his third name Priscus: but afterwards by reason of his great wisedome and experience, he was surnamed Cato, because the ROMAINES call a wise man, and him that hath seene much, Cato. He was somewhat given to be red-faced, and had a paire of staring eyes in his head, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these verses of him after his death:

Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernall,
will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius his hall:
his saucy coppered nose, and fierie staring eyes,
his common slaunderous tales, which be did in this world devise,
made Pluto stand in dread that he would brawle in hell,
although his bones were drie and dead, on earth be was so fell.

[Catoes maners and life.] Furthermore, touching the disposition of his body, he was marvellous strong and lustie, and all because he did use to labour and toile even from his youth, and to live sparingly, as one that was ever brought up in the warres from his youth: so that he was of a very good constitution, both for strength of body, as for health also. As for utterance, he esteemed it as a second body, and most necessary gift, not onely to make men honest, but also as a thing very requisit for a man that should beare sway and authority in the common wealth. [Cato and excellent orator.] He practised to speake well in litle villages neare home, whither he went many times to pleade mens causes in courts judiciall, that would retaine him of counsell: so as in short time he became a perfect pleader, and had tongue at will, and in processe of time became an excellent orator. After he was thus well knowne, they that were familiar with him, began to perceive a manner and behaviour in his life, and a certain noble minde in him, worthie to be employed in matters of state and great importance, and to be called into the common wealth. For he did not onely refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes he maintained: but furthermore made no reckoning of the estimation he wan by that manner and practise, as though that was not the only marke he shot at. But his desire reached further, rather to winne him selfe fame by service in the warres, and, by valliant fightinge with his enemie: then with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life. Insomuch as when he was but a young stripling in manner, he had many cuts apon his brest, which he had received in diverse battels and encounters against the enemies. [Cato a souldier at seventeene yeares of age.] For he himselfe writeth, that he was but seventeene yeares old, when he went first unto the warres, which was about the time of Hannibals chiefe prosperity, when he spoiled and destroyed all ITALY. [A grim looke giveth terror to the enemy] o when he came to fight, he would strike lustily, and never stirre foote nor give backe, and would looke cruelly upon his enemie, and threaten him with a fearefull and terrible voice, which he used himselfe, and wisely taught other also to use the like: for such countenances, sayd he, many times do feare the enemies more, then the sword ye offer them. When he went any journey, he ever marched a foote, and caried his armor upon his backe, and had a man waiting on him that caried his victuals with him, with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he had prepared for his dinner or supper, but did helpe to dresse it himselfe for the most part, if he had any leisure, when he had done the dutie of a private souldier in fortifying the campe, or such other needfull businesse. All the while he was abroad in service in the warres, he never dranke other then cleane water, unlesse it were when he found he was not well, and then he would take a litle vinege: but if he saw he were weake, he wold then drinke a litle wine. Now it fortuned, that Manius Curius the ROMAINE, who had triumphed thrise, had a prety house and lande hard by Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato, for a walke would visite oft. [This Manius Curius overthrew king Pyrrus being Generall of the Tarentines. Cato the elder wondered at the thriftinesse of Manius Curuis.] And he considering how litle lande he had to his house, & what a litle house he had withall, and how poorely it was built, wondered with himselfe what manner of man Curius had bene, that having bene the greatest man of ROME in his time, and having subdued the mightiest nations and people of all ITALY, and driven kinge Pyrrus also out of the same: yet himselfe with his owne hands did manure that litle patch of ground, and dwel in so poore and small a farme Whither notwithstanding, after his three triumphs, the SAMNYTES sent their Ambassadors to visite him, who found him by the fires side seething of parseneps, and presented him a marvellous deale of gold from their state and communalty. [The moderation of Manius Curius ] But Curius, returned them againe with their gold, and told them, that such as were contented with that supper, had no need of gold nor silver: and that for his part, he thought it greater honor to command them that had gold, then to have it himselfe. Cato remembring these things to himselfe, went home againe, [347] and began to thinke upon his house, of his living, of his family and servants, and also of his expences: and to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell himselfe to labor with his owne hands, more then ever he had done before. [Nearchus the Pythagorian Philosopher, Catoes schoole-master.] Furthermore, when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of TARENTUM againe, Cato served under him being very young, where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the PYTHAGORIAN philosopher, in whom he tooke marvellous delight to heare him talke of Philosophy. [Platoes opinion of pleasure.] Which Nearchus held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by calling it the sweete poyson and chiefest baite to allure men to ill: and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soule, and that her onely health, remedy, and purgation stood upon rules of reason, good examples and contemplations, that drive sinfull thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body, farre off from her. Cato moreover gave himselfe much to sobrietie and temperance, and framed himselfe to be contented with litle. [Cato learned the Greeke tongue in his old age. Cato profited much by Demosthenes eloquence.] They say he fell in his very olde age to the study of the Greeke tongue, and to reade Greeke bookes, and that he profited somewhat by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be eloquent: Which plainely appeareth, in all his bookes and writings, full of authorities, examples, and stories taken out of Greeke authors: and many of his sentences and morals, his adages and quicke answers, are translated out of the same word for word. [Valerius Flaccus a grave wise man. Catoes strange life.] Now there was a noble man of ROME at that time, one of great authority, and a deepe wise man besides, who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprowting out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and honourable disposition to helpe forward, and to advance such. His name was Valerius Flaccus, a neere neighbour unto Cato, who was informed by his servants of Catoes strange life, how he wold be doing in his ground with his owne hands: and how he would be gone every day betimes in the morning to litle villages thereabout, to pleade mens causes that prayed his counsell, and that when he had done, he would come home againe: and if it were in winter, that he would but cast litle coate on his shoulders, and being sommer he would go out bare-necked to the wast, to worke in his ground among his servants and other workmen: and would besides, sit & eate with them together at one boord, and drinke as they did. Moreover, they told him also a world of such maners and fashons which he used, that shewed him to be a marvelous plaine man, without pride & of a good nature. Then they told him what notable wise sayings and grave sentences they heard him speake. Valerius Flaccus hearing this report of him, willed his men one day to pray him to come to supper to him. [Cato goeth to Rome by Valerius Flaccus perswation.] Who falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was of a very good nature, and wel given, and that he was a good griffe to be set in a better ground: he perswaded him to come to ROME, and to practise there in the assembly of the people, in the common causes and affaires of the commonweale. Cato followed his counsell, who having bin no long practiser among them, did grow straight into great estimation, and wan him many friends, by reason of the causes he tooke in hand to defend: and was the better preferred and taken also, by meanes of the speciall favour and countenance Valerius Flaccus gave him. [Catoes offices in the Senate.] For first of all, by voyce of the people be was chosen Tribune of the souldiers, (to say, colonell of a thousand footmen) and afterwards was made treasurer: and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit and authority, as he became Valerius Flaccus companion in the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consull with him, and then Censor. [Cato followed Fabinus Maximus.] But to begin withall, Cato made choise of Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of ROME, and gave himselfe to follow him altogether: and not so much for the credit & estimation Fabius Maximus was of (who therein exceeded all the ROMAINES of that time) as for the modesty and discrete government he saw in him, whom he determined to follow, as a worthy mirrour and example. [Catoes emulation with Scipio the great.] At which time Cato passed not for the malice and evill will of Scipio the great, who did strive at that present being but a young man, with the authority and greatnesse of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his rising and greatnesse. [Cato being treasurer under Scipio African, reproved him for his wastfull expences.] For Cato being sent treasurer with Scipio, when he undertooke the journey into AFRIKE, and perceiving Scipioes bountifull nature and disposition to large gifts without meane to the souldiers: he told him plainly one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in wasting their treasure, as he did great harme in changing the ancient manner of their auncestours: who used their souldiers to be contented with litle, but he taught them to spende their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vaine toies and trifles, to serve their pleasure : Scipio made him answer, he would have no treasurer should controll him in that sort, nor that should looke so narrowly to his expences: for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sailes as it were, and that he would (and did also determine) to make the state privie to all his doings, but not to the money he spent. Cato hearing this answer, returned with speed [348] out of SICILE unto ROME, [Cato accuseth Scipio of riot.] crying out with Fabius Maximus in open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, and that he tended playes, comedies, and wrestlings, as if he had not bene sent to make warres, invasions, and attempts upon their enemies. Upon this complaint the Senate appointed certaine Tribunes of the people, to go and see if their informations were true: and finding them so, that they should bring him backe againe to ROME. But Scipio shewed farre otherwise to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see apparant victorie, through the necessarie preparation and provision he had made for the warres: and he confessed also, that when he had dispatched his great businesse, and was at any leasure he would be privately merrie with his friends: and though he was liberall to his souldiers, yet that made him not negligent of his duty and charge in any matter of importance. So Scipio tooke shipping, and sailed towards AFRICKE, whither he was sent to make warre. Now to returne to Cato. [Catoes eloquence, his continent life, and extreame paines.] He daily increased still in authoritie and credit by meanes of his eloquence, so that diverse called him the Demosthenes of ROME: howbeit the manner of his life was in more estimation, then his eloquence. For all the youth of ROME did seeke to attaine to his eloquence and commendation of wordes, and one envied another which of them should come nearest: but few of them would file their hands with any labour as their forefathers did, and make a light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or would be content with a meane gowne, and a poore lodging, and finally would thinke it more honorable to defie fansies and pleasures, then to have and enjoy them. Because the state was waxen now of such power and wealth, as it could no more retaine the ancient discipline, and former austerity and straightnesse of life it used: but by reason of the largenesse of their dominion and seigniority, and the numbers of people and nations that were become their subjects, it was even forced to receive a medley of sundry countrey fashions, examples, and manners. This was a cause, why in reason men did so greatly wonder at Catoes vertue, when they saw other straight wearied with paines and labour, tenderly brought up like pulers: and Cato on the other side never overcomen, either with the one or with the other, no not in his youth, when he most coveted honor, nor in his age also when he was gray headed and bald, after his Consulship and triumph: but like a conqueror that had gotten the maistery, he would never give over labor even unto his dying day. [Catoes wonderfull thrift.] For he writeth himselfe, that there never came gowne on his backe that cost him above 100 pence, and that his hinds and work men alwayes drunke no worse wine, when he was Consull and Generall of the army, then he did himselfe: and that his cater never bestowed in meate for his supper, above thirty Asses of ROMAINE money, and yet he sayd it was, because he might be the stronger, and apter to do service in the warres for his country and the commonwealth. He sayd furthermore, that being heire to one of his friends that dyed, he had a peece of tapestry by him with a deepe border, which they called then the BABYLONIAN border, and he caused it straight to be sold: and that of all his houses he had abroad in the country, he had not one wall plastered, nor rough cast. Moreover he would say, he never bought bondman or slave dearer, then a thousand five hundred pence, as one that sought not for fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellowes that could away with paines, as carters, horse-keepers, neatheardes, and such like: and againe he would sell them when they were olde, because he would not keepe them when they coulde do no service. [Catoes sharpness.] To conclude, he was of opinion, that a man bought any thing deare, that was for litle purpose: yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought it to much to bestow so litle, for that which needed not. He would have men purchase houses, that had more store of arable land and pasture, then of fine hortyardes or gardeins. Some saye, he did thus, for very miserie and covetousness: other thinke, and tooke it that he lived so sparingly, to move others by his example to cut of all superfluity and wast. Neverthelesse, to sell slaves in that sort, or to turne them out of doores when you have had the service of all their youth, & that they are growen olde, as you use brute beastes that have served whilest they may for age: me thinkes that must needes proceede of so severe and greedy a nature, that hath no longer regard or consideration of humanity, then whilest one is able to do another good. [Gentlenesse goeth further then justice. Gentlenesse to be used unto bruite beasts.] For we see, gentlenesse goeth further then justice. For nature teacheth us to use justice onely unto men, but gentlenesse sometimes is shewed unto brute beasts: and that commeth from the very fountaine and spring of all curtesie and humanity, which should never dry up in any man living. For to say truely, to keepe cast horses spoiled in our service, and dogs also, not only when they are whelpes, but when they be old: be even tokens of love and kindnes. [A gentle law made by the Athenians in favour of their laboring moils.] As the ATHENIANS made a law, when they builded their temple called Heccatompedon: that they should suffer the moyles and mulets that did service in their cariages [349] about the buildings of the same, to graze every where, without let or trouble of any man. And they say, there was one of those moiles thus turned at liberty, that came of her selfe to the place to labour, going before all the other draught beasts, that drew up carts loden towards the castell, and kept them company, as though she seemed to encourage the rest to draw: which the people liked so well in the poore beast, that they appointed she shoulde be kept whilest she lived, at the charge of the town. And yet at this present are the graves of Cimons mares to be seene, that wan him thrice together the prize of the horse race at the games Olympian, and they are hard by the grave of Cimon himselfe. [Xanthippus buried his dogge, that swam by his gallies side from Athens to Salamina, and dyed when he landed.] We heare of diverse also that had buried their dogs they brought up in their house, or that waited on them: as among other old Xanthippus buried his dogge on the top of a cliffe, which is called the dogs pit till this day. For when the people of ATHENS did forsake their city at the comming downe of Xerxes , this dogge followed his maister, swimming in the sea by his galleys side, from the firme land, unto the Isle of SALAMINA. And there is no reason, to use living and sensible things, as we would use an old shoo or a rag, to cast it out upon the dunghill when we have worn it, and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect else, but to use us alwaies to humanitie: we must ever shew our selves kind and gentle, even in such small points of pitie. And as for me, I could never find in my heart to sell my draught Oxe that had plowed my land a long time, because he could plough no longer for age: and much lesse my slave, to sell him for a litle money, out of the contrie where he had dwelt a long time, to plucke him from his olde trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and then specially, when he shall be as unprofitable for the buyer, as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried, that he left his horse in SPAINE he had served on in the warres during his Consulship, because he would not put the common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by sea into ITALIE. Now a question might be made of this, and probable reason of either side, whether this was noblenesse or a niggardlinesse in him: but otherwise to say truly, he was a man of a wonderful abstinence. [Catoes straight life.] For when he was Generall of the army, he never tooke allowance but after three bushels of wheate a moneth of the commonwealth, for himselfe and his whole family: and but a bushell and halfe of barley a day, to keepe his horse and other beasts for his cariage. [Cato, Prætor in Sardinia.] On a time when he was Prætor, the government of the Isle of SARDINIA fell to his lot: and where the other Prætors before him had put the countrey to exceeding great charge, to furnish them with tents, bedding, clothes, and such like stuffe, and burthened them also with a marvelous traine of servants and their friends that waited on them, putting them to great expence of feasting and banquetting of them: Cato in contrarie manner brought downe all that excesse and superfluitie, unto a marvelous neare and uncredible saving. [Catoes nearenesse in his circuit.] For when he went to visite the cities, he came on foote to them, and did not put them to a penny charge for himselfe: and had onely one officer or bailiffe of the state, that wayted on him, and caryed his gowne and a cuppe with him, to offer up wine to the gods in his sacrifices. [Catoes severity.] But though he came thus simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former charges, yet he shewed himselfe severe and bitter to them in matters concerning justice: and spared no man, in any commaundement or service for the state and commonwealth: for he was therein so precise, that he woulde not beare with any litle fault. [Catoes speech and writing.] So by this meanes, he brought the SARDINIANS under his government both to love and feare the Empire of ROME, more then ever they did before: as appeareth plainely by the manner both of his speaking and writing: because it was pleasant, and yet grave: sweete and fearefull: merry and severe: sententious, and yet familiar, such as is meete to be spoken. [The praise of Socrates.] And he was to be compared, unto Socrates : who (as Plato said) at the first sight seemed a plaine simple man to them that knew him but outwardly, or else a pleasant taunter or mocker: but when they did looke into him, and found him throughly, they sawe he was full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise perswasions, that he coulde make men water their plants that heard him, and leade them as he would by the eare. Therefore I cannot see any reason that moves men to say, Cato had Lysias grace and utterance. Notwithstanding, let us referre it to their judgements that make profession to discerne Oratours graces and stiles: for my part I shall content my selfe to write at this present, only certaine of his notable sayings and sentences, perswading my selfe that mens manners are better discerned by their words, then by their lookes, and so do many thinke. [Catoes sayings.] On a time seeking to disswade the people of ROME, which woulde needes make a thankefull distribution of corne unto every citizen, to no purpose, he beganne to make an oration with this preface. It is a hard thing (my Lordes of ROME) to bring the belly by perswasion to reason, that hath no eares. [350] And an other time, reproving the ill government of the city of ROME, he said: it was a hard thing to keepe up that state, where a litle fish was solde dearer then an Oxe. He sayed also that the ROMAINES were like a flocke of sheepe. For sayeth he, as every Weather when he is alone, doth not obey the shepheard, but when they are all together they one follow another for love of the foremost: even so are you, for when you are together, you are all contented to beled by the noses by such, whose counsell not a man alone of you would use in any private cause of your owne. [Themistocles saying.] And talking another time of the authoritie the women of ROME had over their husbands. He said: other men commaund their wives, and we commaund men, and out wives commaund us. But this last of all, he borowed of Themistocles pleasant sayings. For his sonne making him do many things by meanes of his mother, he told his wife one day: The ATHENIANS commaund all GREECE, I commaund the ATHENIANS, you commaund me, and your sonne ruleth you. I pray you therefore bid him use the libertie he hath with some better discretion, foole and asse as he is, sithence he can doe more by that power and authority, then all the GREECIANS besides. He said also that the people of ROME did not onely delight in diverse sorts of purple, but likewise in diverse sorts of exercises. For said he, as diverse commonly die that colour they see best esteemed, and is most pleasant to the eye: even so the lusty youthes of ROME do frame themselves to such exercise, as they see your selves most like, and best esteeme. [Honor nourisheth art.] He continually advised the ROMAINES, that if their power and greatnesse came by their vertue and temperance, they should take hede they became no chaungelings, nor waxe worse: and if they came to that greatnesse by vice and violence, that then they should chaunge to better, for by that means he knew very well they had attained to great honour and dignity. Againe he told them, that such as sued ambitiously to beare offices in the common-wealth, and were common suters for them: did seeme to be afraid to lose their way, and therefore would be sure to have ushers and sergeants before them, to show them the way, least they should lose themselves in the city. [Cato, against offices of purpetuitie.] He did reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continue one office still: for it seemeth, saith he, either that you passe not much for your officers, or that you have not many choise men you thinke worthy for the office. There was an enemy of his that led a marvellous wicked and an abhominable life, of whom he was wont to say, that when his mother prayed unto the gods that she might leave her sonne behinde her, she did not thinke to pray, but to curse: meaning to have him live for a plague to the world. And to another also that had unthriftily sold his lands which his father had left him, lying upon the sea side: he pointed unto them with his finger, and made as though he wondered how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger then the sea. For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and eateth out by litle and litle a long time, he had consumed it all at a clappe. An other time when king Eumenes was come to ROME, the Senate entertained him marvellous honorably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one an other, who should welcome him best. But Cato in contrary maner shewed plainely, that he did suspect all this feasting and entertainement, and would not come at it. When one of his familiar friends told him, I marvell why you flie from king Eumenes company, that is so good a Prince, and loves the ROMAINES so well. Yea, sayed he, let it be so, but for all that, a king is no better then a ravening beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any king so happie, that deserved to be compared to Epaminondas , to Pericles , to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius , or to Hamylcar , surnamed Barca . They say his enemies did malice him, because he used commonly to rise before day, and did forget his owne businesse to follow matters of state. [Cato would punish himselfe for offending.] And he affirmed, that he had rather lose the reward of his well doing, then not to be punished for doing of evill: and that he would beare with all other offending ignorantly, but not with himselfe. The ROMAINES having chosen on a time three Ambassadours to send into the Realme of BITHINIA, one of them having the goute in his feet, the other his head full of cuts and great gashes, and the third being but a foole: Cato laughing, said the ROMAINES sent an Ambassade that had neither feet, head, nor *hart. [*That is to say, understanding: for they judged that the feat of reason was placed in the heart, following Aristoles opinion.] Scipio sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were banisbed from ACHAIA. The matter was argued afterwards in the Senate, and therefell out divers opinions about it. Some would have had them restored to their countrey and goods againe: other were wholly against it. So Cato rising up at the last, said unto them. It seemes we have litle else to do, when we stand beating of our braines all day, disputing about these olde GREECIANS, whether the ROMAINES, or the ACHAIANS, shall burie them. In the end, the Senate tooke order, they should be restored unto their contry againe. Whereupon Polybius thought to make petition againe unto the Senate, that the [351] banished men whom they had restored by their order, might enjoy their former estates and honours in ACHAIA, they had at the time of their banishmen t: but before he would move the sute unto the Senate, he would feele Catoes opinion first, what he thought of it. Who answered him, smiling: me thinkes Polybius thou art like Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of Cyclops cave the giant, he would needes go thither againe, to fetch his hat and girdel he had left behind him there. He said also, that wise men did learne and profite more by fooles, then fooles did by wise men. For wise men said he, do see the faults fooles commit, and can wisely avoide them: but fooles never study to follow the example of wise mens doings. [Blushing in young men is a better token then palenesse.] He said also that he ever liked young men better that blushed, then those that looked ever whitely: and that he woulde not have, him for a souldier, that wagges his hand as he goeth, removes his feet when he fighteth, and rowteth and snorteth lowder in his sleepe, then when he crieth out to his enemy. An other time when he woulde taunt a marvellous fat man: See, said he, what good can such a bodie do to the commonwealth, that from his chinne to his codpeece is nothing but belly ? And to an other man that was given to pleasure, and desired to be great with him: My friend, said Cato as refusing his acquaintance: I can not live with him that hath better judgement in the pallate of his mouth, then in his heart. [A lover liveth in anothers bodie.] This was also his saying, that the soule of a lover, lived in an others body: and that in all his life time he repented him of three things. The first was, if that he ever told secret to any woman: the second, that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by land: the third, that he had bene idle a whole day, and had done nothing. Also when he saw a vicious old man, he would say, to reprove him: O gray beard, age bringeth many deformities with it, helpe it not besides with your vice. And to a seditious Tribune of the people that was suspected to be a poisoner, and would needes passe some wicked law by voyce of the people, he would say: O young man, I know not which of these two be worse, to drinke the drugges thou givest, or to receive the lawes thou offerest. An other time, being reviled by one that led a lewd & naughtie life: go thy way, said he, I am no man to scolde with thee. For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled, that it is not dainty to thee: But for my selfe, I never use to heare scolding, and much lesse delight to scold. These be his wise sayings we find written of him, whereby we may the easilier conjecture his maners and nature. [Cato and Valerius Falccus. Catoes doings in Spaine.] Now, when he was chosen Consul with his friend Valerius Flaccus, the government of SPAINE fell to his lot, that is on this side of the river of BÆTIS. So, Cato having subdued many people by force of armes, and wonne others also by friendly meanes: sodainly there came a marvellous great army of the barbarous people against him, & had environed him so, as he was in marvellous danger, either shamefully to be taken prisoner, or to be slaine in the field. Wherefore, he sent presently unto the CELTIBERIANS, to pray aide of them, who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was. These CELTIBERIANS did aske him two hundred talents to come and help him: but the ROMAINES that were about him, could not abide to hire the barbarous people to defend them. Then Cato told them straight, there was no hurt in it, nor any dishonor unto them. For said he, if the field be ours, then we shall pay their wages we promised, with the spoile and money of our enemies: and if we loose it, then our selves and they lye by it, being left neither man to pay, nor yet any to aske it. In the end he wanne the battell, after a sore conflict, and after that time he had marvellous good fortune. For Polybius writeth, that all the walles of the cities that were on this side the river ofBÆ TIS, were by his commandement razed in one day, which were many, and full of good souldiers. Himselfe writeth, that he tooke mo cities in SPAINE, then he remained there daies: and it is no vaine boast, if it be true that is written, that there were foure hundred cities of them. Now, though the souldiers under him had gotten well in this journey, and were rich, yet he caused a pound waight of silver to be given to every souldier besides: saying, he liked it better that many should returne home with silver in their purses, then a few of them with gold only. [Catoes abstinence from spoile and briberie.] But for himselfe, he affirmed: that of all the spoiyle gotten of the enemies, he never had any thing, saving that which he tooke in meate and drinke. And yet, saith he, I speake it not to reprove them that grow riche by such spoiles: but because I would contend in vertue rather with the best, then in money with the richest, or in covetousnesse with the most auaritious. For, not only he himselfe was cleare from bribes and extortion, but his Officers also under him kept the same course. In this Spanish journey, he had five of his servants with him, whereof one of them called Paccus, bought three young boyes that were taken in the warres, when the spoile was sold to them that would give most. So Cato knew it. But Paccus being affraid to come neare his maister, hanged himselfe: and then [352] Cato sold the boyes againe, and put the money made of them into the treasurie chestes of saving at ROME. [Discord betwixt Cato and Scipio] Now while Cato was in SPAINE, Scipio the great that was his enemie, and sought to hinder the course of his prosperitie, and to have the honour of conquering all the rest of SPAINE: he made all the friends he could to the people, to be chosen in Catoes place. He was no sooner entred into his charge, but he made all the possible speede he could to be gone, that he might make Catoes authoritiecease the sooner. [Cato overcame the Lacetanians.] Cato hearing of his hastie comming, tooke only five ensignes of footemen, and five hundred horsemen to attend upon him home: with the which, in his journey homeward, he overcame a people in SPAINE called the LACETANIANS, and tooke sixe hundred traitours also that were fled from the ROMAINES campe to their enemies, and did put to death every mothers childe of them. Scipio storming at that, said Cato did him wrong. But Cato to mocke him finely, said: it was the right way to bring ROME to florish, when noble borne citizens would not suffer meane borne men, and upstarts as himselfe was, to go before them in honour: and on the other side when meane borne men would contend in vertue, with those that were of noblest race, and farre above them in calling. For all that, when Cato came to ROME, the Senate commaunded that nothing should be chaunged nor altered otherwise, then Cato had appointed it, whilest he was in his office. So that the government for which Scipio made such earnest sute in SPAINE, was a greater disgrace unto him, then it was unto Cato : because he passed al his time and office in peace, having no occasion offered him to do any notable service worthy memory. Furthermore, Cato after he had bene Consull, and had graunted to him the honour to triumph: did not as many others do, that seek not after vertue, but onely for worldly honour and dignitie. who, when they have bene called to the highest offices of state, as to be Consuls, and have also graunted them the honour to triumph: do then leave to deale any more in matters of state, and dispose themselves to live merily and quietely at home, and not to troublethem selves any more. [Cato actes after his Consulship and triumph.] Now Cato , farre otherwise behaved himselfe: for he would never leave to exercise vertue, but began afresh, as if he had bene but a young novice in the world, and as one greedy of honour and reputation, and to take as much paines and more then he did before. For, to pleasure his friends or any other citizen, he would come to the market place, and pleade their causes for them that required his counsell, and go with his friends also into the warres: as he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consull, and was one of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the countrey of THRACE, and unto the provinces adjoining to the river of DANUBY upon those marches. [The power of Antiochus the Great.] After that, he was in GREECE also, a Colonell of a thousand footemen, under Manius Aquilius , against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the ROMAINES as much affraied of him, as ever they were of enemy but Hanniball . For, when he had conquered all the regions and provinces of ASIA, which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed before, and had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations: he was so proud harted, as he would needs have wars with the ROMAINES, whom he knew to be the only worthy men, and best able to fight with him. So he made some honest show and pretence of warres, saying: it was to set the GREECIANS at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering they lived after their owne lawes, and were but lately delivered from the bondage of king Philip , and of the MACEDONIANS, through the goodnes of the ROMAINES. Notwithstanding, he came out of ASIA into GRECE with a marvellous great army, and all GRECE was straight in armes and in wonderfull daunger, because of the great promises and large hopes the governours of diverse cities (whom the king had wonne and corrupted with money) did make unto them. Whereupon Manius dispatched Ambassadours unto the cities, and sent Titus Quintus Flaminius , among others, who kept the greatest part of the people from rebelling (that were easily drawn to give eare to this innovation) as we have expressed more amply in his life: and Cato being sent Ambassadour also, perswaded the CORINTHIANS, those of PATRAS, and the ÆGIANS, and made them sticke still to the ROMAINES, and continued a long time at ATHENS. Some say they find an oration of his written in the Greeke tongue, which he made before the ATHENIANS, in commendation of their auncestours: wherein he said, he tooke great pleasure to see ATHENS for the beauty and statelinesse of the citie. But this is false: for he spake unto the ATHENIANS by an interpreter, though he coulde have uttered his oration in the Greeke toung if he had bene disposed: but he did like the lawes and customes of his owne countrey, and the ROMAINE tong so well, that he laughed at them that would praise and commend the Greeke tounge. As he did once mocke Posthumius Albinus , who wrote an historie in the Greeke toung, praying the readers [353] in his preface to beare with him, if they found any imperfection in the tongue: [Cato mocked Posthumius Albinus a Romaine for writing a storie in the Greeke tongne.] marie, said Cato, he had deserved pardon indeede, if he had bene forced to have written his story in the Greeke tongue, by order of the states of GREECE, called the counsell of the Amphictyons. They say the ATHENIANS wondred to heare his redy tongue. For what he had uttered quickely in few words unto the interpreter: the interpreter was driven to deliver them againe with great circumstances, and many words. So that he left them of this opinion, that the GREECIANS words lay all in their lippes, and the ROMAINES words in their heades. [King Antiochus army.] Now king Antiochus kept all the straites and narrow passages of the mountaines called THERMOPYLES, (being the ordinarie way and entrie into GRECE) and had fortified them aswell with his army that camped at the foote of the mountaine, as also with walles and trenches he had made by hand, besides the naturall strength and fortification of the mount it selfe in sundry places: and so he determined to remaine there, trusting to his owne strength and fortifications aforesaid, and to turne the force of the warres some other way. The ROMAINES also, they despaired utterly they should be able any way to charge him before. [Catoes doings against king Antiochus.] But Cato remembring with himselfe the compasse the PERSIANS had fetched about before time likewise to enter into GRECE: he departed one night from the campe with part of the army: to prove if he could finde the very compasse about, the barbarous people had made before. But as they climbed up the mountaine, their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the countrey, lost his way, and made them wander up and downe in marvellous steepe rockes and crooked wayes, that the poore souldiers were in marvellous ill taking. Cato seeing the daunger they were brought into by this lewd guide, commaunded all his souldiers not to stir a foote from thence, and to tarrie him there: and in the meane time he went himselfe alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lustieman, and nimble to clime upon the rockes) and so went forward at adventure, taking extreame and uncredible paine, and in as much daunger of his life, grabbing all night in the darke without moone light, through wild Olive trees, and high rockes (that let them they could not see before them, neither could tell whither they went) untill they stumbled at the length upon a litle pathe way, which went as they thought directly to the foote of the mountaine, where the campe of the enemies lay. [Mount Callidromus.] So they set up certeine markes and tokens, upon the highest toppes of the rockes they could choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest off upon the mountaine called Callidromus. And when they had done that, they returned backe againe to fetch the souldiers, whom they led towards their markes they had set up: untill at the length they found their path-way againe, where they put their souldiers in order to march. Now they went not farre in this pathe they found, but the way failed them straight and brought them to a bogge: but then they were in worse case then before, and in greater feare, not knowing they were so neare their enemies, as indeede they were. The day began to breake a litle, and one of them that marched foremost, thought he heard a noise, and that he saw the GREEKES campe at the foote of the rockes, and certeine souldiers that kept watch there. Whereupon Cato made them stay, and willed only the FIRMANIANS to come unto him, and none but them, because he had found them faithfull before, and very ready to obey his commaundement. They were with him at a trise to know his pleasure: so Cato said unto them. [Catoes oration to his soldiers.] My fellowes, I must have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know of them who they be that keepe that passage, what number they be, what order they keepe, howe they are camped and armed, and after what sort they determine to fight with us. The way to worke this feate, standeth upon swiftnesse and hardinesse to runne upon them sodainely, as Lions do, which being naked feare not to runne into the middest of any heard of fearefull beastes. [The boldnesse and valiant attempt of Catoes souldiers.] He had no sooner spoken these wordes, but the FIRMANIAN souldiers beganne to runne downe the mountaines, as they were, upon those that kept the watch: and so setting upon them, they beinge out of order, made them flie, and tooke an armed man prisoner. [Cato advertised of the strength of king Antiochus campe.] When they had him, they straight brought him unto Cato, who by oth of the prisoner was advertised, how that the strength of their enemies armie was lodged about the person of the King, within the straight and valley of the said mountaine: and that the souldiers they saw, were sixe hundred ÆTOLIANS, all brave souldiers, whome they had chosen and appointed to keepe the toppe of the rockes over king Antiochus campe. When Cato had heard him, making small account of the matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill order they kept: he made the trumpets sound straight, and his souldiers to march in battell with great cryes, himselfe being the foremost man of all his troupe, with a sworde drawne in his hand. But when the ÆTOLIANS saw them comming [354] downe the rockes towardes them, they began to flie for life unto their great campe, which they filled full of feare, trouble, and all disorder. [Cato tooke the straight of Tinermopyles.] Now Manius at the same present also, gave an assault unto the walles and fortifications the king had made, overthwart the vallies and straights of the mountaines: [King Antiochus hurt in the face with a stone.] at which assault, king Antiochus selfe had a blow on the face with a stone, that strake some of his teeth out of his mouth, so that for very paine and anguish he felt, he turned his horse back, and got him behind the preese. [Catoes victory of king Antiochus.] And then there were none of his armie that made any more resistance, or that could abide the fiercenesse of the ROMAINES. But notwithstanding that the places were very ill for flying, because it was unpossible for them to scatter and straggle, being holden in with high rockes on the one side of them, and with bogges and deepe marishes on the other side, which they must needes fall into if their feete slipped, or were thrust forward by any: yet they fell one upon another in the straights, and ran so in heapes together, that they cast them selves away, for feare of the ROMAINES swords that lighted upon them in every corner. [Cato would praise his owne doings.] And there Marcus Cato , that never made ceremoie or nicenesse to praise himselfe openly, nor reckened it any shame to do it: did take a present occasion for it, as falleth out upon all victorie and famous exploites. And so did set it out with all the ostentation and brave words he could give. For he wrote with his owne hands, that such as saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were driven to say, that Cato was not bound to the ROMAINES, but the ROMAINES bound unto Cato . And then Manius the Consull selfe, being in a great heat with the furie of the battell, embraced Cato a great while, that was also hote with chasing of the enemie: and spake alowde with great joy before them all, that neither he, nor the people of ROME could recompence Cato for his valiant service that day. [Manius sendeth Cato to Rome to carie the newes of the victory.] After this battell, the Consull Manius sent Cato to ROME, to be the messenger himselfe to reporte the newes of the victorie. So he imbarked incontinently, and had such a faire wind, that he passed over the sea to BRINDES without any daunger, and went from thence unto TARENTYM in one day, and from TARENTUM in foure dayes more to ROME. And so he came to ROME in five daies after his landing in ITALY, and made such speed, that himselfe was indeede the first messenger that brought newes of the victorie. Whereupon he filled all ROME with joy and sacrifices, and made the ROMAINES so proud, that ever after they thought them selves able men to conquer the world both by sea and land. And these be all the martiall deedes and noble acts Cato did. [Cato an accuser of men.] But for his doings in civill pollicie and state, he seemed to be of this opinion. That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it was the best thinge an honest man and good governour of the common-wealth could employ himselfe unto: for he accused many, and subscribed many other accusations which they preferred. And to be short, he did alwaies stirre up some accuser, as he did Petilius against Scipio . But Scipio, by reason of his nobilitie, the greatnesse of his house, and the magnanimity of his mind, passed not for any accusation they could lay against him: being out of all feare, they should be able to condemne him: and so he let fall the accusation he had against him: Notwithstanding, he joined with other that accused Lucius Scipio , his owne brother, and followed the matter so sore against him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great summe of money to the common-wealth: who being unable to pay the fine, had gone to prison, and hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes of the people revoked his condemnation. It is said that Cato comming through the market place one day, and meeting with a young man by the way that had overthrown his adversary in sute, and put one of his late fathers greatest enemies to open shame and foile before the people: he embraced him with a good countenance, and said unto him. Oh my sonne, sacrifices that good children should offer to their fathers soule, be not lammes nor kiddes, but the teares and condemnations of their enemies. But as he vexed other, so he scaped not free him selfe from daunger, in administration of the common-wealth. For if they could catch the least vantage in the world of him, his enemies straight accused him: [Cato fifty times accused,] so as they say he was accused almost fiftie times, and at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of foure score yeares. And then he spake a thing openly that was noted: that it was a harder thing to give up an account of his life before men in any other world, then in this among whom he lived. And yet was not this the last sute he followed: for foure yeares after, when he was foure score and tenne yeares of age, he accused Seruius Galba . And thus he lived as Nestor , in manner three ages of man, alwaies in continuall sute and action. For when he wrestled with the first Scipio the AFRICAN about matters of state and common-wealth: he went on unto the time of the seconde, that was adopted by the first Scipioes sonne, the naturall sonne of Paulus Æmylius , who overcame Perseus , king of MACEDON [355] [The dignitie and office of the Censor.] Furthermore, Marcus Cato, tenne yeares after his Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in ROME the greatest office of dignity that any citizen of ROME could attaine unto: and as a man may say, the roome of all glory and honor of their common wealth. For among other authorities, the Censor had power to examine mens lives and manners, and to punish every offendor. For the ROMAINES were of that mind, that they would not have men marry, beget children, live privately bythem selves, and make feasts and bankets at their pleasure, but that they should stand in feare to be reproved and enquired of by the magistrate: and that it was not good to give every body libertie, to do what they would, following his owne lust and fancie. [How the Censors were chosen.] And they judging that mens naturall dispositions do appeare more in such things, then in all other things that are openly done at noone dayes, and in the sight of the world: used to choose two Censors, that were two Surveyors of maners, to see that every man behaved himselfe vertuously, and gave not them selves to pleasure, not to breake the lawes and customes of the common wealth. These officers were called in their toung, Censores, and alwaies of custome one of them was a PATRICIAN, and the other a commoner. These two had power and authority to disgrade a Knight by taking away his horse, and to put any off the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely and disorderly. It was their office also, to cesse and rate every citizen according to the estimation of their goods, to note the age, genealogie, and degrees of every man, and to keep bookes of them, besides many other prerogatives they had belonging to their office. [The Senatours and Nobilitie bent all against Catoes sute.] Therefore when Cato came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senatours were all bent against him. Some of them for very envie, thinking it shame and dishonor to the Nobilitie, to suffer men that were meanely borne, and upstarts (the first of their house and name, that ever came to beare office in the state) to be called and preferred unto the highest offices of state in all their common wealth. Other also that were ill livers, and knowing that they had offended the lawes of their country: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his owne hands. So when they had consulted together about it, they did set up seven competitors against him, who flattered the people with many faire words and promises, as though they had need of magistrates to use them gently, and to doe things for to please them. But Cato contrariwise, shewing no countenance that he would use them gently in the office, but openly in the pulpit for orations, threatning those that had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they must reforme their citie, and perswaded the people not to choose the gentlest, but the sharpest Phisitions: and that himselfe was such a one as they needed, and among the PATRICIANS Valerius Flaccus another, in whose company he hoped (they two being chosen Censors) to do great good unto the common wealth, by burning and cutting of (like Hydraes heades) all vanitie and voluptuous pleasures, that were crept in amongst them: and that he saw well inough, how all the other suters sought the office by dishonest means, fearing such officers as they knew would deale justly and uprightly. Then did the people of ROME shew themselves nobly minded, and worthy of noble governours. [Cato chosen Censor.] For they refused not the sowernesse or severity of Cato, but rejected these meale-mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the people in all things: and thereupon chose Marcus Cato Censor, and Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did obey him, as if he had bene present officer, and no suter for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they thought good. [Catoes actes in his Censorship.] The first thing he did after he was stalled in his Censorship, was that he named Lucius Valerius Flaccus, his friend and fellow Censor with him, prince of the Senate: [Cato put Lucius Quintius Flaminius off the Senate.] and among many other also whom he thrust out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius Flaminius off the Senate, that had bene Consull seven yeares before, and was brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame Philip King of MACEDON in battell, which was greater glorie to him, then that he had bene Consull. [The cause why Cato put Quintius off the Senate.] But the cause why he put him of the Senate, was this. This Lucius Quintius caried ever with him a young boy to the warres, whom he gave as good countenance and credit unto, as to any of his best familiar friends he had about him. It fortuned on a time whileft Lucius Quintius was Consull and governour of a province, that he made a feast, and this boy being set at his table hard by him, as his maner was, he began to flatter him, knowing how to handle him when he was pretily merrie: and soothing him, told him he loved him so dearely, that upon his departing from ROME, when the Sword-players were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords, to shew the people pastime, he came his way, and left the sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have seen a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, to make him see the like, said: care not for the sight thou hast lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much. [356] [Lucius Quintius Flaminius wickednesse and crueltie.] And when he had spoken these wordes, he commaunded a prisoner condemned to die, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him, and the hang-man with his axe: which was forthwith done according to his commaundement. Then asked he the boy, if he would straight see the man killed: yea, Sir, said the boy: and with that he had the hangman strike off his head. Most writers report this matter thus. And Cicero to confirme it also, wrote in his booke de Senectute that the same was written in an oration Cato made before the people of ROME. Now Lucius Quintius being thus shamefully put off the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus being offended withall, could not tell what to do, but besought the people they would commaund Cato to declare the cause, why he brought such shame unto his house. Whereupon Cato openly before the people, made recitall of all this feast. And when Lucius denied it, affirming it was not so: Cato would have had him sworne before them all, that it was not true they had burdened him withall. But Lucius prayed them to pardon him, who said he would not sweare: Whereupon the people judged straight that he deserved well that shame. So not long after, certaine games being shewed in the Theater, Lucius came thither, and passing beyond the ordinary place that was appointed for those that had bene Consuls, he went to sit aloofe off amongst the multitude. The people tooke pitie on him, and made such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go sit among the other Senators that had bene Consuls: salving the best they could, the shame and dishonour happened unto so noble a house. [Manilus off the Senate for kissing his wife before his daugher.] Cato put out of the Senate also, one Manilius, who was in great towardnesse to have bene made Consull the next yeare following, only because he kissed his wife to lovingly in the day time, and before his daughter: and reprooving him for it, he told him, his wife never kissed him, but when it thundered. [Merrier with married men when Jupiter thundereth.] So when he was disposed to be merrie, he would say it was happie with him when Jupiter thundered. He tooke away Lucius Scipioes horse from him, that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the great king Antiochus: which wan him much ill will, because it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice he did beare Scipio the AFRICAN, that was dead. . [Banqueting & feasts put downe by Cato.] But the most thing that grieved the people of all other extremities he used, was his putting downe of all feasts and vaine expences. For a man to take it cleane away, and to be openly seene in it, it was unpossible, because it was so common a thing, and every man was given so to it. [Catoes counsell for reforming Rome.] Therefore Cato to fetch it about indirectly, did praise every citizens goods, and rated their apparell, their coaches their litters, their wives chains and jewels, and all other moveables and household stuffe, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmes a peece, at ten times as much as they were worth: to the end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious trifles, should pay so much more subsidie to the maintenance of the common wealth, as their goods were over valued at. Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asses that those trifling things were praised at, the owners of there of should pay three thousand Asses to the common tresurie: to the end that they who were grieved with this taxe, and saw other pay lesse subsidie (that were as much worth as themselves by living without such toyes) might call home themselves againe, and lay a side such foolish bravery and finenesse. Notwithstanding, Cato was envied every way. First, of them that were contented to pay the taxe imposed, rather then they would leave their vanity: and next, of them also, that would rather reforme them selves, then pay the taxe. And some thinke that this law was devised rather to take away their goodes, then to let them to make shew of them: and they have a fond opinion besides, that their riches are better seene in superfluous things, then in necessary. [Superflous things reckoned for riches.] Whereat they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then at any other thing: how men could thinke them more rich and happie, that had many curious and superfluous things, then those that had necessary and profitable things. [Scopas goods were all in toyes, that did him no good.] And Scopas the THESSALIAN, when one of his familiar friends asked him, I know not what trifling thing, and to make him graunt it the sooner, told him it was a thing he might well spare, and did him no good: mary said he, all the goods I have, are in such toyes as do me no good. So this covetous desire we have to be rich, commeth of no necessary desire in nature, but is bred in us by a false opinion from the common sort. Now, Cato caring least of all for the exclamations they made against him, grewe to be more straight and severe. For he cut off the pipes and quils private men had made to convey water into their houses and gardens, robbing the city of the water that came from their common conduit heads, and did plucke downe also mens porches that were made before their doores into the streete, and brought downe the prises of common workes in the city, and moreover raised the common farmes and customes of the city, as high as he could: [357] all which things together made him greatly hated and envied of most men. Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and certaine other being bent against him in open Senate, caused all Catoes covenants and bargaines made with the maister worke-man for repairing and mending of the common buildings and holy places, to be made voyd, as things greatly prejudiciall to the common wealth. And they did also stirre up the boldest and rashest of the Tribunes of the people against him, because they should accuse him unto the people, and make request he might be condemned in the summe of two talents. [Basilica Porcia built by Cato.] They did marvellously hinder also the building of the pallace he built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the market place under the Senate house: which pallace was finished notwithstanding and called after his name, Basilica Porcia: as who would say, the pallace Porcia the Censor built. [Catoes image set up in the temple of Health.] Howbeit it seemed the people of ROME did greatly like and commend his government in the Censorship: for they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddesse of Health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumph, but only ingraved this inscription word for word, to this effect by translation: [Honor changeth conditions] For the honour of Marcus Cato the Censor: because he reformed the discipline of the common wealth of ROME (that was farre out of order, and given to licentious life) by his wise precepts, good manners, and holy institutions. Indeed, before this image was set up for him, he was wont to mocke at them that delighted, and were desirous of such things: saying, they did not consider how they bragged in founders, painters, and image-makers, but nothing of their vertues: and that for himselfe, the people did alwayes carie lively images of him in their hearts, meaning the memorie of his life and doings. When some wondered why divers meane men and unknowne persons had images set up of them, and there were none of him: he gave them this answer: I had rather men should aske why Cato had no image set up for him, then why he had any. [No man should abide to be praised but for the common wealth.] In the ende, he would have no honest man abide to be praised, unlesse his praise turned to the benefit of the common wealth: and yet was he one of them that would most praise himselfe. So that if any had done a fault, or stept awrie, and that men had gone about to reprove the, he would say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Catoes that did offende. And such as counterfeited to follow any of his doings, and came short of his manner, he called them left handed Catoes. He would say, that in most daungerous times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as passengers on the sea do looke upon the maister of the ship in a storme: and that many times when he was absent, the Senate would put over matters of importance, untill he might come among them. And this is confirmed to be true, as well by other, as by himselfe. His authoritie was great in matters of state, for his wisedome, his eloquence, and great experience. [What Cato was at home in his house, and towardes his wife and children.] Besides this commendation, they praised him for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, and a good saver for his profit: for he was never carelesse of them, as things to be lightly passed on. And therefore me thinkes I must needes tell you by the way, some parte of his well doing, to follow our declaration of him. [Cato judgeth the noble borne gentlewomen the best wives.] First of all, he married a gentlewoman more noble then rich, knowing that either of both should make her proud and stout enough: but yet he ever thought the nobler borne, would be the more ashamed of dishonestie, then the meaner borne: and therefore that they would be more obedient to their husbands, in all honest manner and reasonable things. Furthermore, he said: that he that bet his wife or his child, did commit as great a sacriledge, as if he polluted or spoyled the holiest things of the world: and he thought it a greater praise for a man to be a good husband, then a good Senatour. [Socrates patience comended bearing with the shewdnes of his wife.] And therefore he thought nothing more commendable in the life of old Socrates, then his patience, in using his wife well, that was such a shrew, and his children that were so hare-brained. [Catoes wife was nurse to her owne child.] After Catoes wife had brought him a sonne, he could not have so earnest businesse in hand, if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife did unswadle the young boy to washe and shift him: for she gave it sucke with her owne breasts, and many times would let the slaves children sucke of her also, because they might have a naturall love towards her sonne, having sucked one milke, and bene brought up together. [Cato taught his sonne. Chilo a Grammarian.] When his sonne was come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learne any thinge, Cato himselfe did teache him, notwithstanding he had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, and a good Grammarian) who did also teach many other: but as he sayed himselfe, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his sonne, nor pull him by the eares, when peradventure he was not apt to take very sodainely that was taught him: neither would he have his sonne bound to a slave for so great a matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore he himselfe taught him his grammer, the law, [358] and to exercise his body, [What exercises Cato brought up his sonne in.] not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sorts of weapons, but also to fight with fistes, to abide cold and heate, and to swim over a swift running river. He said moreover, that he wrote goodly histories in great letters with his owne hand, because his sonne might learne in his fathers house the vertues of good men in times past, that he taking example by their doings should frame his life to excell them. He said also that he tooke as great heed of speaking any fowle or uncomely wordes before his sonne, as he would have done if he had bene before the Vestall Nunnes. He never was in the hote house with his sonne: for it was a common use with the ROMAINES at that time, that the sonnes in law did not bathe them selves with their fathers in law, but were ashamed to see one another naked. But afterwards they having learned of the GREEKES to wash themselves naked with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even with their wives. There lacked no towardlines, nor good disposition in Catoes sonne, to frame himselve vertuous: for he was of so good a nature, that he shewed himselfe willing to followe whatsoever his father had taught him. Howbeit he was such a weake puling, that he coulde not away with much hardnesse, and therefore his father was contented not to bind him to that straight and painefull life, which himselfe had kept. [Catoes sonne was valiant.] Yet he became valliant in the warres. For be fought marvellous stoutly in the battell, in which Perseus King of MACEDON was overthrowne by Paulus AEmylius: where his sword being striken out of his hand with a great blow that lighted on it, and by reason his hand was somewhat sweatie besides, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of his friends about him to recover it. So they all together ranne upon the enemies in that place where his sword fell out of his hand, and came in so fiercely on them, that they made a lane through them, and clearing the place, found it in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heape of dead bodies and other weapons, as well ROMAINES as MACEDONIANS, one lying on an other. Paulus AEmylius the Generall hearing of this act of his, did highly commend the yong man. And at this day there is a letter extant from Cato to his sonne, in the which he praiseth this worthy fact and toile of his, for the recoveringe of his sword againe. [Cato the yonger maried Tertia Paulus Æmylius daughter. Scipio the second was Æmylius naturall sonne.] Afterwards, this Cato the younger maried Tertia, one of Paulus AEmylius daughters, and sister unto Scipio the seconde, and so was matched in this noble house, not onely for his owne vertues sake, but for respect of his fathers dignitie and authoritie: wherby the great care, paines, and study that Cato the father tooke in bringing up his sonne in vertue and learning was honourably rewarded in the happie bestowing of his sonne. He ever had a great number of young litle slaves which he bought, when any would sell their prisoners in the warres. [Catoes discipline to his slaves.] He did choose them thus young, because they were apt yet to learne any thinge he would traine them unto, and that a man might breake them, like young coltes, or litle whelpes. But none of them all, how many soever he had, did ever go to any mans house, but when himselfe or his wife did send them. If any man asked them what Cato did: they answered, they could not tell. [Catoes opinion for sleepy men.] And when they were within, either they must needes be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleepe: for he loved them well that were sleepy, holding opinion that slaves that loved sleepe were more tractable, and willing to do any thing a man would set them to, then those that were waking. And because he thought that nothing more did provoke slaves to mischiefe and naughtinesse, then lust and desire of women: he was contented his slaves might company with his bondwomen in his house, for a peece of money he appointed them to pay, but with straight commaundement besides, that none of them should deale with any other woman abroade. At the first when he gave himselfe to follow the warres, and was not greatly rich, he never was angry for any fault his servants did about his person: saying it was a foule thing for a gentleman or nobleman, to fall out with his servants for his belly. [Note how Cato altered his maner and opinion by wealth. ] Afterwards, as he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had made a dinner or supper for any of his friends and familiars, they were no sooner gone, but he would scourge them with whips & leather thongs, that had not waited as they should have done at the boord, or had forgotten any thing he would have had done. He would ever craftily make one of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide they should be friends, being ever jealous of that. If any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he would declare this offence before them all: and then if they condemned him to die, he would put him to death before them all. Howbeit in his latter time he grew greedy, and gave up his tillage, saying it was rather more pleasant, then profitable. [Catoes good husbandry for increasing his wealth.] Therefore because he would lay out his money surely, and bring a certaine revenue to his purse he bestowed it upon ponds, and naturall hote bathes, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadowes and pastures, upon copises and young wood: and of all these [359] he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearly, which he would say, Jupiter himselfe could not diminish. [Cato a great usurer. He tooke extreame usery by sea.] Furthermore, he was a great userer, both by land and by sea: and the userie he tooke by sea was most extreame of all other, for he used it in this sort. He would have them to whom he lent his money unto, that trafficked by sea, to have many partners, and to the number of fiftie: and that they should have so many ships. Then he would venture among them for a part onely, whereof Quintius his slave whom he had manumised, was made his factor, and used to saile and trafficked with the merchants, to whom he had lent his money out to userie. And thus he did not venture all the money he lent, but a litle peece only for his part, and got marvellous riches by his userie. Moreover he lent money to any of his slaves, that would therewith buy other young slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service, at Catoes charge and cost: and then they solde them againe at the yeares ende, and some of them Cato kept for his owne service, and gave his slaves as much for them, as any other offered. Therefore to allure his sonne in like manner to make profit of his money, he told him it was no wise mans part to diminish his substance, but rather the part of a widow. Yet this was a token of a most greedy covetous mind, that he durst affirme him to be divine, and worthy immortall praise, that increased his wealth and patrimonie more, then his father left him. [Carneades and Diogenes Philosophers fine Ambassadors to Rome.] Furthermore, when Cato was growne very olde, Carneades the ACADEMICK, and Diogenes the STOICKE, were sent from ATHENS as Ambassadours to ROME, to sue for a release of a fine of five hundred talents which they had imposed on the ATHENIANS upon a condemnation passed against them, for a contempt of appearance, by the sentence of the SICYONIANS, at the sute of the OROPIANS. Immediately when these two Philosophers were arrived in the citie of ROME, the yong gentlemen that were given to their bookes, did visit and welcome them, and gave great reverence to them after they had heard them speake, and specially to Carneades: whose grace in speaking, and force of perswading was no lesse, then the fame ranne of him, and specially when he was to speake in so great an audience, and before such a state, as would not suppresse his praise. ROME straight was full, as if a wind had blowne this rumor into every mans eare: that there was a GRECIAN arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence would leade a man as he lift. There was no other talke a while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the yong gentlemens minds with love and desire to be learned: that all other pleasures and delights were set a side, and they disposed themselves to no other exercise, but to the study of Philosophy, as if some secrete and divine inspiration from above had procured them to it. Whereof the Lords and Senators of ROME, were glad, and rejoyced much to see their youth so well given to knowledge, and to the study of the Greeke tongue, and to delite in the companie of these two great and excellent learned men. [Cato misliked the Greeke tougue.] But Marcus Cato, even from the beginning that young men began to study the Greeke tongue, and that it grew in estimation in ROME, did dislike of it: fearing least the youth of ROME, that were desirous of learning and eloquence, would utterly give over the honour and glory of armes. Furthermore, when he saw the estimation and fame of these two personages did increase more and more, and in such sort that Caius Aquilius, one of the chiefest of the Senate, made sute to be their interpreter: he determined then to convey them out of the citie by some honest meane and colour. So he openly found fault one day in the Senate, that the Ambassadours were long there, and had no dispatch: considering also they were cunning men, and could easily perswade what they would. And if there were no other respect, this onely might perswade them to determine some answer for them, and so to send them home againe to their schooles, to teach their children of GRECE, and to let alone the children of ROME, that they might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate, as they had done before. Now he spake this to the Senate, not of any private ill will or malice he bare to Carneades, as some men thought: but because he generally hated Philosophie, and of an ambition despised, the muses, and knowledge of the Greeke tongue. Such was the more suspected, because he had sayd, the ancient Socrates was but a busie man, and a stirrer up of sedition, and sought by all meanes possible to usurp tyranny, and rule in his country: by perverting and changing the manners and customes of the same, and alluring the subjects thereof to a disliking of their lawes and auncient customes. And he laughed at Socrates schoole, that taught the arte of Eloquence: saying, his schollers waxed old, and were still so long in learning, that they meant to use their eloquence and pleade causes in another world, before Minos, when they were dead. Therefore, to plucke his sonne from the studie of the Greeke tongue, he sayd to him with a strained voice, and in a bigger sound then he was wont to do: (as if he had spoken to him by way of prophecie or inspiration) [360] that so long as the ROMAINES disposed themselves to studie the Greeke tongue, so long would they marre and bring all to naught. And yet time hath proved his vaine words false and untrue. For the citie of ROME did never flourish so much, nor the ROMAINE Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when learning and the Greeke tongue most flourished. Howbeit Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of GRECE, but did dislike them also, that professed phisicke in ROME. For he had either heard or read the answer Hippocrates made, when the king of PERSIA sent for him, and offered him a great summe of golde and silver, if he would come and serve him: who sware he would never serve the barbarous people, that were naturall enemies to the GRECIANS. [Catoes phisicall bookes.] So Cato affirmed, it was an oath that all other Phisitions sware ever after: wherefore he commaunded his sonne to flie from them all alike, and sayed he had written a litle booke of phisicke, with the which he did heale those of his house when they were sicke, and did keepe them in health when they were whole. He never forbad them to eate, but did alwayes bring them up with hearbs, and certaine light meates, as mallard, ringedoves, and hares: for such meates, said he, are good for the sick, and light of digestion, saving that they make them dreame and snorte that eate them. He boasted also how with this maner of phisicke, he did alwayes keepe himselfe in health, and his family from sicknessse. Yet for all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of: for he buried both his wife, and his sonne also. But he himselfe was of a strong nature, and a lustie bodie, ful of strength, and health, and lived long without sickenesse: so that when he was a very olde man and past mariage, he loved women well, and maried a young maiden for that cause onely. After his first wife was dead, he maried his sonne unto Paulus AEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the second AFRICAN. Cato himselfe being a widower, tooke paines with a prety young maide that waited in his house, and came by stealth to his chamber: howbeit this haunt could not long continue secret in his house, and specially where there was a young gentlewoman maried, but needs must be spied. So, one day when this yong maide went somewhat boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go in to his father, the yong man said never a word at it: yet his father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave maide no good countenance. Wherefore finding that his sonne and daughter in law were angry with the matter, saying nothing to them of it, nor shewing them any ill countenance: he went one morning to the market place (as his maner was) with a traine that followed him, amongst whom was one Salonius, that had bene his clearke, and waited upon him as the rest did. [Cato talketh with Salonius his clark about the mariage of his daugher.] Cato calling him out aloud by his name, asked him if he had not yet bestowed his daughter. Salonius answered him, he had not yet bestowed her, nor would not, before he made him privy to it. Then Cato told him againe: I have found out a husband for her, and a sonne in law for thee, and it will be no ill match for her, unlesse she mislike the age of the man, for in deed he is very old, but otherwise there is no fault in him. Salonius told him againe, that for that matter, he referred all to him, and his daughter also, praying him even to make what match he thought good for her: for she was his humble servant, and relyed wholly upon him, standing in neede of his favour and furtherance. Then Cato began to discover, and told him plainely he would willingly marrie her himselfe. Salonius therewith was abashed, because he thought Cato was too old to marrie then, and himselfe was no fit man to match in any honorable house, specially with a Consull and one that had triumphed: howbeit in the end, when he saw Cato meant good earnest, he was very glad of the match, and so with this talke they went on together to the markette place, and agreed then upon the mariage. Now while they went about this matter, Cato the sonne taking some of his kinne and friends with him, went unto his father, to aske him if he had offended him in any thing, that for spite he should bring him a steppe-mother into his house. [Catoes answer to his sonne of his second mariage.]Then his father cried out, and sayd: O my sonne, I pray thee say not so, I like well all thou doest, and I find no cause to complaine of thee: but I do it, because I desire to have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as thou art, in the common wealth. Some say that Pisistratus the tyrant of ATHENS, made such a like answer unto the children of his first wife, which were men growen, when he maried his second wife Timonassa, of the towne of ARGOS, of whom he had (as it is reported) Iophon, and Thessalus. [Cato maried Salonius daughter, being a very old man and had a son by her. How Cato passed his age.] But to returne againe to Cato, he had a sonne by his second wife, whom he named after her name, Cato SALONIAN: and his eldest sonne died in his office beinge Prætor, of whom he often speaketh in divers of his bookes, commending him for a very honest man. And they say, he tooke the death of him very patiently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving therefore to do any service or busines for the state, otherwise then he did before. [361] And therein he did not, as Lucius Lucullus , and Metellus surnamed Pius , did afterwards: who gave up medling any more with matters of government and state, after they were waxen old. For he thought it a charge and dutie, whereunto every honest man whilest he lived, was bound in all pietie. Nor as Scipio AFRICAN had done before him, who perceiving that the glorie and fame of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens, he changed the rest of his life into quietnesse and forsooke the citie and all dealings in commonwealth, and went and dwelt in the countrey. But as there was one that told Dionysius, the tyrant of SYRACUSA, as it is written, that he could not die more honorably, then to be buried in the tyrannie: even so did Cato thinke, that he could not waxe more honestly old, then in serving of the commonwealth, unto his dying day. [Catoes writings and monuments.] So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a litle to recreate and refresh himselfe, he passed his time away in making of bookes, and looking upon his husbandry in the countrey. This is the cause why he wrote so many kinds of bookes and stories. [Catoes revenue.] But his tillage and husbandry in the countrey, he did tend and follow all in his youth, for his profit. For he said he had but two sorts of revenue, tillage, and sparing: but in age, whatsoever he did in the countrey, it was all for pleasure, and to learne something ever of nature. For he hath written a booke of the country life, and of tillage, in the which he sheweth how to make tartes and cakes, and how to keepe fruites: he would needes shew such singularitie and skill in all things. .[Catoes company pleasant both to old and young.]When he was in his house in the country, he fared a litle better then he did in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and such as had land lying about him, to come and suppe with him, and he would be merry with them: so that his company was not onely pleasant, and liking to old folkes as himselfe, but also to the younger sort. [The table a good meane to procure love, and how table talke should be used.] For he had seene much, and had experience in many things, and used much pleasant talke, profitable for the hearers. He thought the boord one of the chiefest meanes to breed love amongst men, and at his owne table would alwaies praise good men and vertuous citizens, but would suffer no talke of evill men, neither in their praise nor dispraise. [Cato author of the last wars against the Carthaginians.] Now it is thought the last notable act and service he did in the common wealth, was the overthrow of CARTHAGE: for indeed he that wan it, and razed it utterly, was Scipio the seconde, but it was chiefely through Catoes counsell and advise, that the last warre was taken in hand against the CARTHAGINIANS, and it chanced upon this occasion. Cato was sent into AFRICKE to understand the cause and controversie that was betweene the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa , kinge of NUMIDIA, which were at great warres together. And he was sent thither, because king Massinissa had ever bene a friend unto the ROMAINES, and for that the CARTHAGINIANS were become their confederates since the last warres, in the which they were overthrowne by Scipio the first, who tooke for a fine of them, a great part of their Empire, and imposed upon them besides, a great yearley tribute. Now when he was come into that country, he found not the citie of CARTHAGE in miserie, beggerie, and out of heart, as the ROMAINES supposed: but full of lusty youths very rich and wealthy, and great store of armour and munition in it for the wars, so that by reason of the wealth thereof, CARTHAGE caried a high saile, and stouped not for a litle. Wherefore he thought that it was more then time for the ROMAINES to leave to understand the controversies betwixt the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa , and rather to provide betimes to destroy CARTHAGE, that had ever bene ever an auncient enemie to the ROMAINES, and ever sought to be revenged of that they had suffered at their hands before, and that they were now growne to that greatnes and courage in so short time, as in manner it was incredible: so as it was likely they would fall into as great enmitie with the ROMAINES, as they ever did before. Therefore so soone as he returned to ROME, he plainly told the Senate, that the losses and harmes the CARTHAGINIANS had received by the last wars they had with them, had not so much diminished their power and strength, as the same had shewed their owne folly and lacke of wisdome: for it was to be feared much, lest their late troubles had made them more skilfull, then weakened them for the wars. And that they made warres nowe with the MUMIDIANS, to exercise them onely, meaning afterwards to warre with themselves: and that the peace they had made with them, was but an intermission and stay of warres, only expecting time and opportunitie to breake with them againe. They say moreover, that besides the perswasions he used, he brought with him of purpose, AFRICKE, figs in his long sleeves, which he shooke out amongst them in the Senate: & when the Senators marvelled to see so goodly faire greene figges, he said: The country that beareth them, is not above three daies sailing from ROME. But yet this is more straunge which they report of him besides: that he never declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that, but this [362] was ever the one end of his tale: me thinketh still CARTHAGE would be utterly destroyed. [Scipio Nasica, against Cato, for the destroying of Carthage.] Publius Scipio Nasica, used ever in like manner the contrarie speech: that he thought it meete CARTHAGE should stand. This Publius Scipio saw, in my opinion, that the ROMAINES through their pride and insolencie were full of absurdities, and caried themselves very high, by reason of their happy successe and victories, and were so loftie minded, that the Senate could hardly rule them: and that by reason of their great authoritie, they imagined they might bring their citie to what height they would. Therefore he spake it that the feare of CARTHAGE might alwaies continue as a bridle, to raine in the insolencie of the people of ROME, who knew well enough, that the CARTHAGINIANS were of no sufficient power to make wars with the ROMAINES, nor yet to overcome them: and even so were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared at all. Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein consisted the greatest daunger of all: that a citie which was ever of great force and power, and had bene punished by former warres and misery, would alwaies have an eye of revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that had broken his haltar, that being unbridled, would run upon his rider. And therefore he thought it not good, nor sound advise, so to suffer the CARTHAGINIANS to recover their strength, but rather they ought altogether to take away all outward daunger, and the feare they stood in to loose their conquest: and specially, when they left meanes within the citie selfe to fall still againe to their former rebellion. And this is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the third and last war the ROMAINES had against the CARTHAGINIANS. [Catoes death.] But now when the warre was begun, Cato died, and before his death he prophecied, as a man would say, who it should be that should ende those wars. And it was Scipio the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge only as a Colonel over a thousand footmen: but in all battels, and wheresoever there was wars, he shewed himselfe ever valiant and wise. Insomuch as newes being brought thereof continually unto ROME, and Cato hearing them, spake (as they say) these two verses of Homer :

This only man right wise, reputed is to be,
all other seeme but shadowes set, by such wise men as be.

[Catoes posterity.] Which prophecy, Scipio soone after confirmed true by his doings. Moreover, the issue Cato left behind him, was a sonne he had by his seconde wife: who was called (as we said before) Cato SALONIAN, by reason of his mother, and a litle boy of his eldest sonne that died before. This Cato SALONIAN died being Prætor, but he left a sonne behind him that came to be Consull, and was grandfather unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most vertuous men of his time.


Transcriber's Notes

Marginal notes included within brackets [] proceed the text to which they pertain. The letters j, u , v and w have been substitued for i, v , u and vv where appropriate, but have not noted within the actual text.

Animal Rights History


» Whether it be Lawfull to Eat Flesh or No

» Of Eating Flesh

» Brute Beastes Have Use of Reason

» Marcus Cato, Censor

Antiquity, Ancient Animal Rights Law & The Middle Ages
Mythical & Divine Origin:
[Divine] Manu
[Mythical] Triptolemus
Before the Common Era (BC): Cave Paintings
Ancient ReligionsJainism,
Historic India—The doctrines of Ahimsa & Vegetarianism evolve.
[8th C. BCE] Hesiod
[621 BCE] Draco
[c599-510 BCE] Siddhartha, Sakyamuni, Buddha
[c 599-527 BCE] Mahavira
[c552-496 BCE] Pythagoras
[484-425 BCE] Herodotus
[c492-432 BCE] Empedocles
[c396-314 BCE] Xenocrates
[d. 276 BCE] Polemon
[c273-232 BCE] King Asoka
Ancient Animal Rights Law
[106-43 BCE] Cicero
[c94-49 BCE] Lucretius
[1st C. BCE]Quintus Sextius
[70-19 BCE] Virgil
Common Era (AD):
[43 BCE - 17 CE] Ovid
[1st C. BCE-CE]Sotion
[c 4 BCE-65] Seneca
[23-79] Pliny the Elder
[c46-120] Plutarch
[d. c215 ]Clement of Alexandria
[2nd or 3rd C.] Sextus Empiricus
[c160-230] Tertullian
[205-270] Plotinus
[c245-305] Porphyry

Source Documents Quotes-Library of Primary
Source Historical Literature
Animal Rights History Timeline


Antiquity-Middle Ages
Ancient Animal Rights Law
[BCE-3rdc.] Mythical-Divine Origin; Antiquity—Classical Literature
[3rdc.-1485] Early Church Fathers, Old-Middle English Period

Renaissance
Early Anti-Cruelty Legislation
[1485-1660] English Renaissance

Enlightenment
Articles-Letters-Enlightenment
Pleas for Laws to Protect Animals
[1660-1689] Restoration
[1689-1745] Augustan Age-Pope
[1745-1785] Age of Sensibility

Romantic Age
Articles-Letters-Romantic Age
Modern Legislative Beginnings
[1785-1798] Burns-Cowper
[1798-1806] Wordsworth
[1806-1837] Byron, Martin's Act

Victorian Age
Articles-Letters-Victorian Age
Anti-Cruelty, Anti-Vivisection Laws
[1837-1876] Early Victorian Age
[1876-1901] Late Victorian Age

Early 20th Century
Articles-Letters-Reviews
Continuing Animal Protection Law
[1901-1914] Edwardian Age
[1914-1945] Modern Period



Source DocumentsOur Free Online Library of Primary Source Historical Literature documents the authenticity of Quotes introducing Animal Rights Activists, Animal Welfare Advocates, Legislators, Authors and others against animal cruelty while providing more in-depth insight into the ideologies of humanity against cruelty to animals and additional historical perspective on the continuing struggle for Animal Rights, Animal Welfare and the Protection of Animals.